El Gobernador de Indiana fue entrevistado ayer en el programa Newsnight de la BBC británica. Habló sobre el estado de la economía y sobre el 2012. Ver video aquí.
(...) "America faces for the first time, other than the nuclear threat of a few decades ago, a genuine survival level issue," Mitch Daniels says.
"My reading of history is that there are points of no return, past which nations will not recover to anything like their previous strength."
It is apocalyptic language, and since Mr Daniels is widely regarded as having a decent chance of becoming the next US president, all the more alarming.
Burdened by its $14tn debt, hemmed in by currency manipulation and trade rivalry, crippled - as Mr Daniels sees it - by a government whose size is sucking the lifeblood out of the economy - the US is, he believes, approaching a point of no return.
But towards what, I ask him, perennial decline?
"Decline might not be the right word. It might be very abrupt, very sudden. I am not predicting that but it cannot be excluded," he says. "My sense is that we'll have to do things in this country that the political smart money said you can't do." (...)
Continúa...
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta mitch daniels. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta mitch daniels. Mostrar todas las entradas
martes, 12 de octubre de 2010
jueves, 30 de septiembre de 2010
2012: Cato otorga una "A" a Pawlenty
Cato Institute, el think tank libertario-conservador, ha publicado su evalucación bienal sobre las políticas fiscales de los 50 Gobernadores de la Unión. Nos fijamos en los presidenciables. Tim Pawlenty se lleva la nota más alta, un "A", gracias a su veto a impuestos sobre la gasolina y a subidas del impuesto sobre la renta, y a su propuesta de enmienda constitucional para limitar el gasto público en Minnesota. A Mitch Daniels le dan un "B" y a Haley Barbour un "C". Otro que se lleva un "A" pero no parece tener ambiciones presidenciales por el momento es Bobby Jindal, de Louisiana.
Sobre el Gobernador Tim Pawlenty (R - Minnesota):
(...) In his first few years in office, Governor Pawlenty backed tax increases on corporationsand cigarette consumers. However, the governor has changed course in recent years, con-sistently supporting tax cuts and opposing tax increases. In 2008, he vetoed a large gaso-line tax increase.
In 2009, he twice vetoed giant tax packages passed by the legislature,which included increases in the top personal income tax rate and increased taxes on gaso-line, beer, wine, and liquor. In 2010, he again vetoed an income tax rate increase. Pawlenty has also proposed substantial business tax cuts to make the state more competitive, andhe wants the corporate tax rate reduced from 9.9 percent to 4.8 percent.
Under Pawlenty,state general fund spending rose 22 percent between FY03 and FY08, which was less than the average state increase. The governor's proposed spending for FY11 is down 10 percentfrom the FY08 peak. Pawlenty has proposed a constitutional amendment to limit annual growth in the state's general fund spending over the long term. (...)
Sobre el Gobernador Mitch Daniels (R - Indiana):
(...) Governor Daniels is a fiscal conservative, but he seems to focus more on balancing the state budget than shrinking the size of government.
In his first term, he signed into law an increase in the cigarette tax to fund higher health spending, and he proposed a temporary increase in the top income tax rate.... in 2008, he enacted a tax overhaul that swapped an increase in the state sales tax rate for lower local property taxes.
.... Daniels has called for refunds to taxpayers in years when the state has a large budget surplus, but he has not pushed for permanent state tax cuts. (...)
Sobre el Gobernador Haley Barbour (R - Mississippi):
(...) Governor Barbour has a conservative reputation, but his tax and spending record over seven years as governor has not been very conservative.
Barbour has proposed some small tax breaks and blocked some tax increases proposed by the legislature, but he has not pushed for pro-growth reforms such as marginal tax rate cuts.
Barbour signed into law a tax increase on hospitals in 2008 and a tax increase on cigarettes of 50 cents per pack in 2009. With regard to the hospital tax, Barbour said, "It's a good, fair deal that taxes the hospitals, not our citizens--and rightly so."
But, of course, the cost of higher taxes collected from hospitals will ultimately fall on citizens.
On spending, Barbour oversaw large increases in the budget before the recent recession. General fund spending soared 43 per-cent between FY04 and FY08. But the recession has forced governors to cut back, and Barbour's proposed spending for FY11 is down 14 percent from the FY08 peak. (...)
Sobre el Gobernador Tim Pawlenty (R - Minnesota):
(...) In his first few years in office, Governor Pawlenty backed tax increases on corporationsand cigarette consumers. However, the governor has changed course in recent years, con-sistently supporting tax cuts and opposing tax increases. In 2008, he vetoed a large gaso-line tax increase.
In 2009, he twice vetoed giant tax packages passed by the legislature,which included increases in the top personal income tax rate and increased taxes on gaso-line, beer, wine, and liquor. In 2010, he again vetoed an income tax rate increase. Pawlenty has also proposed substantial business tax cuts to make the state more competitive, andhe wants the corporate tax rate reduced from 9.9 percent to 4.8 percent.
Under Pawlenty,state general fund spending rose 22 percent between FY03 and FY08, which was less than the average state increase. The governor's proposed spending for FY11 is down 10 percentfrom the FY08 peak. Pawlenty has proposed a constitutional amendment to limit annual growth in the state's general fund spending over the long term. (...)
Sobre el Gobernador Mitch Daniels (R - Indiana):
(...) Governor Daniels is a fiscal conservative, but he seems to focus more on balancing the state budget than shrinking the size of government.
In his first term, he signed into law an increase in the cigarette tax to fund higher health spending, and he proposed a temporary increase in the top income tax rate.... in 2008, he enacted a tax overhaul that swapped an increase in the state sales tax rate for lower local property taxes.
.... Daniels has called for refunds to taxpayers in years when the state has a large budget surplus, but he has not pushed for permanent state tax cuts. (...)
Sobre el Gobernador Haley Barbour (R - Mississippi):
(...) Governor Barbour has a conservative reputation, but his tax and spending record over seven years as governor has not been very conservative.
Barbour has proposed some small tax breaks and blocked some tax increases proposed by the legislature, but he has not pushed for pro-growth reforms such as marginal tax rate cuts.
Barbour signed into law a tax increase on hospitals in 2008 and a tax increase on cigarettes of 50 cents per pack in 2009. With regard to the hospital tax, Barbour said, "It's a good, fair deal that taxes the hospitals, not our citizens--and rightly so."
But, of course, the cost of higher taxes collected from hospitals will ultimately fall on citizens.
On spending, Barbour oversaw large increases in the budget before the recent recession. General fund spending soared 43 per-cent between FY04 and FY08. But the recession has forced governors to cut back, and Barbour's proposed spending for FY11 is down 14 percent from the FY08 peak. (...)
jueves, 16 de septiembre de 2010
2012: las cenas de Daniels
Hace dos días Politico nos hablaba de las cenas privadas que el Gobernador Mitch Daniels está celebrando en las últimas semanas en Indianapolis con personalidades influyentes del ámbito nacional, siguiendo una hoja de ruta que recuerda mucho a la trazada por Bush antes de lanzarse a la Presidencia. El Indianapolis Star nos ofrece una lista de algunos de los invitados a esas cenas:
(...) » Spencer Abraham: Chairman and chief executive of The Abraham Group, an international strategic consulting firm in Washington. He served one term as secretary of energy under then-President George W. Bush and was a U.S. senator from Michigan for six years.
» Bradford M. Freeman: On the board of directors at Edison International and Southern California Edison since 2002. He was the founding partner of Freeman Spogli & Co., a private investment firm.
» Don Cogman: Businessman from Scottsdale, Ariz., and owner of Cactus Condo Investments LLC.
» James Huffines: Austin, Texas, banker and Republican activist who has twice chaired the University of Texas System Board of Regents. He was chairman of Gov. Rick Perry's 2000-01 transition team and was one of eight Texans who raised more than $500,000 for Sen. John McCain's 2008 presidential bid.
» George Nethercutt: Founder and chairman of the Nethercutt Foundation. He was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2005 and is on the board of directors of the Washington Policy Center in Seattle, a nonpartisan free-market think tank.
» Mercer Reynolds: An Ohio investor who was the finance chairman of President George W. Bush's presidential campaign, raising more than $600,000. He co-founded investment firm Reynolds, DeWitt & Co. Other ventures included Spectrum 7 -- an oil company that he co-chaired from 1980 to 1985, which then merged with the firm Arbusto Energy -- which was owned by Bush.
» Phil Handy: A Florida business executive who chaired Jeb Bush's gubernatorial campaigns. He is the CEO of Strategic Industries. For six years, he was chairman of the Florida State Board of Education, appointed by Gov. Jeb Bush. He also was appointed twice by President George W. Bush to the National Board of Education Sciences.
» Ian Brzezinski: A former Pentagon official in the George W. Bush administration. He is a senior fellow in the International Security Program and is on the Atlantic Council's Strategic Advisors Group. He also was deputy assistant secretary of defense for Europe and NATO policy (2001-05) and served for seven years on Capitol Hill as an aide. Brzezinski's father, Zbigniew, was national security adviser to President Jimmy Carter. His sister, Mika, is co-host on MSNBC's "Morning Joe." (...)
(...) » Spencer Abraham: Chairman and chief executive of The Abraham Group, an international strategic consulting firm in Washington. He served one term as secretary of energy under then-President George W. Bush and was a U.S. senator from Michigan for six years.
» Bradford M. Freeman: On the board of directors at Edison International and Southern California Edison since 2002. He was the founding partner of Freeman Spogli & Co., a private investment firm.
» Don Cogman: Businessman from Scottsdale, Ariz., and owner of Cactus Condo Investments LLC.
» James Huffines: Austin, Texas, banker and Republican activist who has twice chaired the University of Texas System Board of Regents. He was chairman of Gov. Rick Perry's 2000-01 transition team and was one of eight Texans who raised more than $500,000 for Sen. John McCain's 2008 presidential bid.
» George Nethercutt: Founder and chairman of the Nethercutt Foundation. He was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2005 and is on the board of directors of the Washington Policy Center in Seattle, a nonpartisan free-market think tank.
» Mercer Reynolds: An Ohio investor who was the finance chairman of President George W. Bush's presidential campaign, raising more than $600,000. He co-founded investment firm Reynolds, DeWitt & Co. Other ventures included Spectrum 7 -- an oil company that he co-chaired from 1980 to 1985, which then merged with the firm Arbusto Energy -- which was owned by Bush.
» Phil Handy: A Florida business executive who chaired Jeb Bush's gubernatorial campaigns. He is the CEO of Strategic Industries. For six years, he was chairman of the Florida State Board of Education, appointed by Gov. Jeb Bush. He also was appointed twice by President George W. Bush to the National Board of Education Sciences.
» Ian Brzezinski: A former Pentagon official in the George W. Bush administration. He is a senior fellow in the International Security Program and is on the Atlantic Council's Strategic Advisors Group. He also was deputy assistant secretary of defense for Europe and NATO policy (2001-05) and served for seven years on Capitol Hill as an aide. Brzezinski's father, Zbigniew, was national security adviser to President Jimmy Carter. His sister, Mika, is co-host on MSNBC's "Morning Joe." (...)
viernes, 10 de septiembre de 2010
2012: "Un motociclista responsable"
Newsweek le dedica hoy un amplio perfil de cinco páginas al Gobernador Mitch Daniels, de Indiana.
Responsible Rider
(...) Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels is small, stiff, and unimposing, So why is he attracting legions of fans? Hint: it’s not the motorcycle.
It’s lunchtime at frontier Elementary School in Brookston, Ind., and Gov. Mitch Daniels, who’s spent the past two hours leading a charity motorcycle ride through the cornfields of central Indiana, has decided, along with 500 of his burliest friends, to park his Harley and grab some food. In the cafeteria, groups of tattooed men in leather vests, skull bandannas, and sleeveless denim jackets mill about, nibbling on limp turkey sandwiches. But Dennis Tyger, a 42-year-old auto repairman with a thick goatee and an impish grin, is too busy plotting his next move to eat. “So I should do it, right?” he asks his tablemates. They nod. Seconds later, Daniels enters the room.
“Here comes our next United States president!” Tyger shouts. At first, Daniels flinches. Ever since telling The Washington Post in February that he “would stay open to the idea” of challenging Barack Obama in 2012, he has had to insist, often several times a day, that he doesn’t actually intend to run. His ambivalence seems genuine. “You’ve seen my schedule,” he tells me later, in his broad Midwestern drawl. “I’m not going to Iowa; I’m not going to New Hampshire. I’m turning down every offer.” But when the rest of the crowd roars with applause, Daniels can’t help but smile. “Listen to that,” Tyger says, shaking his head. “I can see him in the White House already.” (...) Continúa...
martes, 7 de septiembre de 2010
2012: Halperin entrevista a Barbour y Daniels
Mark Halperin (Time) entrevista a los gobernadores Haley Barbour de Mississippi y Mitch Daniels de Indiana. La entrevista se hizo en la Mansión del Gobernador de Mississippi, en Jackson. Transcripción.
miércoles, 1 de septiembre de 2010
Daniels invitado de Barbour mañana en Jackson
El Gobernador Mitch Daniels, de Indiana, será mañana el invitado especial al United Republican Fund Reception, un acto de recaudación de fondos, que celebrará el Partido Republicano de Mississippi en el Hotel King Edward de Jackson, la capital del estado. Daniels acudirá invitado personalmente por su amigo el Gobernador Haley Barbour (en la imagen), de Mississippi. Los dos hombres suenan como posibles candidatos a la Presidencia en 2012, aunque muchos creen que en realidad el segundo puede ser el más poderoso valedor del primero.Sin exagerar, el Gobernador de Mississippi es actualmente algo así como el jefe de facto del Partido Republicano. Su pasada experiencia como director de asuntos políticos de la Casa Blanca (1985-1986), presidente del Comité Nacional Republicano (1993-1997) y lobbyista durante muchos años en Washington DC, otorga a Barbour una posición privilegiada con los grandes donantes republicanos y una larga lista de contactos en las industrias de seguros, defensa, tabaco o farmacéuticas, además de en círculos políticos y mediáticos. Y está utilizando todas esas ventajas para montar una exitosa operación política desde su actual cargo de presidente de la Republican Governors Association (RGA).
Tiene montados tres comités de acción política con sede en diferentes estados con leyes electorales permisivas y maneja la Republican Governors Association (RGA) como una organización 527 (no contribuyen directamente a los candidatos pero hacen campañas en su favor) para poder recibir donaciones ilimitadas de individuos y grandes corporaciones, y escapar de las estrictas normas federales que limitan las contribuciones a los comités nacionales de campaña.
Sólo en el segundo trimestre de este año (abril-junio), Barbour recaudó 19 millones de dólares para la RGA, la cifra de recaudación trimestral más alta en la historia de la organización. Rompió un record que él mismo había establecido en el cuarto trimestre de 2009 cuando recaudó 12 millones de dólares. Sin contar lo recaudado a partir de junio, cuenta con más de 40 millones de dólares para gastar. Está centrado en ayudar a elegir Gobernadores republicanos por todo el país, y asegurar mayorías republicanas en las diferentes legislaturas estatales. Esto último es para los observadores más entendidos el objetivo estratégico número uno de estas elecciones ya que en manos de los parlamentos estatales estará la redistribución de los distritos electorales de acuerdo a los intereses de un partido u otro y, en consecuencia, la consolidación de mayorías en el Congreso federal durante la próxima década.
Mientras el National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) recauda menos dinero que su contraparte demócrata, la RGA de Barbour se ha convertido en el principal soporte de la operación electoral republicana de este año, junto a grupos independientes como American Crossroads o la American Action Network. Y en todo este proceso de evidente descentralización del GOP, el presidente nacional del partido Michael Steele pinta poco o nada.
Dicen los aliados del Gobernador de Mississippi que si este se presenta a Presidente en 2012 podría recaudar 100 millones de dólares en unos pocos meses. Pero los que mejor lo conocen lo ven más dispuesto a ser un Kingmaker (hacedor de reyes, el que hace ganar a otro jugador) que candidato. La invitación a Daniels puede ser una señal.
domingo, 22 de agosto de 2010
Más ruido en torno a Daniels y Thune
Vía e-mail me ha llegado este interesante comentario recogido en foros republicanos con lo que sería una estimación sobre el punto en el que se encuentra la carrera por la nominación presidencial republicana de 2012 a la espera de los primeros movimientos visibles:
(...) "Republican heavyweights seem to be going in 2 particular directions: President Bush, Vice President Cheney and close friends like Richard Lugar and Governor Haley Barbour (Chairman of the Republican Governors Association) seem to be lining up behind Mitch Daniels while the Senate and House leadership, such as Mitch McConnell, John Cornyn, Jon Kyle, and Eric Cantor seem to be lining up behind John Thune.
The word is Daniels and Barbour confer daily, so I can't imagine they are both running, at least not as two legit contenders. Perhaps one would run to pave the way for the other, but other then that why would 2 close friends who converse daily launch into a competition against one another that could leave the nomination to someone else? Perhaps Daniels low profile is part of the plan, as Barbour lays the groundwork, not for himself, but for Daniels. It's not hard to see Barbour as manager or chairman of a Daniels campaign.
Thune, however, is being positioned to run by the party leadership in Washington. This budget reform he is pushing now follows other strategic policies that have been given to Thune by the powers-that-be. His strong push against TARP and his fight to pay the money back is clearly being used to make up for his TARP vote, aiding his future run. His conceal and carry amendment is another strategic policy, designed to help win over the NRA. The behind the scenes push for Thune is similar to how the Democrat leadership worked in secret to push Obama into the race.
These 2 I think are becoming the real frontrunners because there is the most establishment activity around them. Romney and Pawlenty are working over time to win over the people who seem to already be aligning with Daniels and Thune. Romney's fundraising is what keeps him in the discussion, but the money comes from a small group of wealthy donors with business ties to Romney's days at Bain, and his multi-pronged funding network allows those donors an end around, so they can donate far more to several PACs then just one. This creates the illusion of big time support, when it's really just a clever funding trick designed to woo the establishment. Pawlenty is mirroring Romney, attempting to out-work him and convince the powers that he is the alternative.
Huckabee is outside of this loop, relying almost entirely on his evangelical supporters to organize on his behalf, like Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council and many others. He has enhanced his network since 2008, but lacks the money to credibly challenge these establishment forces. Evangelical domination of the smaller state caucus systems is Huckabee's only potential strength, though with more evangelicals in the race, that could change.
Palin has a sizable online operation and will rely on a populist movement and Tea Party machinery for organization. But she, like Huck, has no establishment backing. She also sports the worst polling numbers of any national republican figure, and seems distracted by her private sector interests. Gingrich has as many establishment supporters and he does establishment enemies, and is seeking to co-opt the populism of Palin and the Tea Parties to make up for this. Unlike Huck and Palin, Gingrich has a powerful fundraising operation and other connections that are independent of the establishment. American Solutions is the biggest 527 in the country, even larger in scope then the SEIU. Gingrich could actually become the most powerful 'outsider' in the field, with populist cred, powerful funding, and a large organized staff.
The wild card in all of this remains Jeb Bush, who could probably unite the Daniels/Thune supporters behind him as well as the Bush-friendly evangelical groups that dominate Huckabee's network. Bush could likely galvanize more support behind him more quickly then any other candidate. But will he get in..." (...)
(...) "Republican heavyweights seem to be going in 2 particular directions: President Bush, Vice President Cheney and close friends like Richard Lugar and Governor Haley Barbour (Chairman of the Republican Governors Association) seem to be lining up behind Mitch Daniels while the Senate and House leadership, such as Mitch McConnell, John Cornyn, Jon Kyle, and Eric Cantor seem to be lining up behind John Thune.
The word is Daniels and Barbour confer daily, so I can't imagine they are both running, at least not as two legit contenders. Perhaps one would run to pave the way for the other, but other then that why would 2 close friends who converse daily launch into a competition against one another that could leave the nomination to someone else? Perhaps Daniels low profile is part of the plan, as Barbour lays the groundwork, not for himself, but for Daniels. It's not hard to see Barbour as manager or chairman of a Daniels campaign.
Thune, however, is being positioned to run by the party leadership in Washington. This budget reform he is pushing now follows other strategic policies that have been given to Thune by the powers-that-be. His strong push against TARP and his fight to pay the money back is clearly being used to make up for his TARP vote, aiding his future run. His conceal and carry amendment is another strategic policy, designed to help win over the NRA. The behind the scenes push for Thune is similar to how the Democrat leadership worked in secret to push Obama into the race.
These 2 I think are becoming the real frontrunners because there is the most establishment activity around them. Romney and Pawlenty are working over time to win over the people who seem to already be aligning with Daniels and Thune. Romney's fundraising is what keeps him in the discussion, but the money comes from a small group of wealthy donors with business ties to Romney's days at Bain, and his multi-pronged funding network allows those donors an end around, so they can donate far more to several PACs then just one. This creates the illusion of big time support, when it's really just a clever funding trick designed to woo the establishment. Pawlenty is mirroring Romney, attempting to out-work him and convince the powers that he is the alternative.
Huckabee is outside of this loop, relying almost entirely on his evangelical supporters to organize on his behalf, like Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council and many others. He has enhanced his network since 2008, but lacks the money to credibly challenge these establishment forces. Evangelical domination of the smaller state caucus systems is Huckabee's only potential strength, though with more evangelicals in the race, that could change.
Palin has a sizable online operation and will rely on a populist movement and Tea Party machinery for organization. But she, like Huck, has no establishment backing. She also sports the worst polling numbers of any national republican figure, and seems distracted by her private sector interests. Gingrich has as many establishment supporters and he does establishment enemies, and is seeking to co-opt the populism of Palin and the Tea Parties to make up for this. Unlike Huck and Palin, Gingrich has a powerful fundraising operation and other connections that are independent of the establishment. American Solutions is the biggest 527 in the country, even larger in scope then the SEIU. Gingrich could actually become the most powerful 'outsider' in the field, with populist cred, powerful funding, and a large organized staff.
The wild card in all of this remains Jeb Bush, who could probably unite the Daniels/Thune supporters behind him as well as the Bush-friendly evangelical groups that dominate Huckabee's network. Bush could likely galvanize more support behind him more quickly then any other candidate. But will he get in..." (...)
viernes, 20 de agosto de 2010
Mitch Daniels en The Economist
La revista británica The Economist le dedica hoy un artículo al Gobernador Mitch Daniels, de Indiana, probable candidato a la Presidencia. Sus respuestas evasivas cada vez que le preguntan sobre una hipotética campaña presidencial no han hecho más que aumentar la intriga y el interés de los medios por el personaje. Los artículos y perfiles en medios de proyección internacional son además indicios de los importantes apoyos con que cuenta Daniels en el patriciado de los negocios y la política.
De momento se concentra en ayudar a los republicanos a ganar en noviembre el control de la Asamblea Estatal de Indiana, controlada actualmente por los demócratas. No está jugando al juego de los endorsements a nivel nacional. Su comité de acción política sólo está interviniendo en la política local de Indiana. Pero no es sólo por apego a su estado: si las dos cámaras de Indiana quedan en manos republicanas en los próximos dos años, el Gobernador Daniels tendrá mayor libertad para viajar y concentarse en una campaña presidencial sin tener que batallar con la legislatura estatal ni renunciar al cargo. Es el primer paso en el camino que ha trazado hacia la Casa Blanca.
Entre el Día de Acción de Gracias (noviembre) y el discurso sobre el Estado de la Unión del Presidente (enero) sabremos si da el paso definitivo. Se espera que los dark-horses como él puedan empezar a anunciar sus candidaturas en ese espacio de tiempo -los candidatos más conocidos probablemente esperen hasta febrero-marzo.
Mitch Daniels: the right stuff (economist.com)
THE governor does not like to keep people waiting. On a recent morning this small man leapt out of a trooper’s Toyota (Indiana-made) while it was still moving. He burst into a tiny chamber of commerce and began joking with businessmen, teachers and farmers. He is comfortable with most people in most places. He can command a boardroom. He has moseyed through enough fairs to know how to sign a goat—on its left side, so as not to write against the grain of its coat. After some small talk with the chamber, he introduced himself formally: “Mitch Daniels, your employee in public service.”
Most Americans know little or nothing of Mr Daniels. He does not tweet. “I’m not an interesting enough person,” he explains. He is a Republican who had never heard of 9/12, Glenn Beck’s tea-party group, before The Economist mentioned it to him. But he is good at one thing in particular: governing.
Continúa (...)
De momento se concentra en ayudar a los republicanos a ganar en noviembre el control de la Asamblea Estatal de Indiana, controlada actualmente por los demócratas. No está jugando al juego de los endorsements a nivel nacional. Su comité de acción política sólo está interviniendo en la política local de Indiana. Pero no es sólo por apego a su estado: si las dos cámaras de Indiana quedan en manos republicanas en los próximos dos años, el Gobernador Daniels tendrá mayor libertad para viajar y concentarse en una campaña presidencial sin tener que batallar con la legislatura estatal ni renunciar al cargo. Es el primer paso en el camino que ha trazado hacia la Casa Blanca.
Entre el Día de Acción de Gracias (noviembre) y el discurso sobre el Estado de la Unión del Presidente (enero) sabremos si da el paso definitivo. Se espera que los dark-horses como él puedan empezar a anunciar sus candidaturas en ese espacio de tiempo -los candidatos más conocidos probablemente esperen hasta febrero-marzo.
Mitch Daniels: the right stuff (economist.com)
THE governor does not like to keep people waiting. On a recent morning this small man leapt out of a trooper’s Toyota (Indiana-made) while it was still moving. He burst into a tiny chamber of commerce and began joking with businessmen, teachers and farmers. He is comfortable with most people in most places. He can command a boardroom. He has moseyed through enough fairs to know how to sign a goat—on its left side, so as not to write against the grain of its coat. After some small talk with the chamber, he introduced himself formally: “Mitch Daniels, your employee in public service.”
Most Americans know little or nothing of Mr Daniels. He does not tweet. “I’m not an interesting enough person,” he explains. He is a Republican who had never heard of 9/12, Glenn Beck’s tea-party group, before The Economist mentioned it to him. But he is good at one thing in particular: governing.
Continúa (...)
lunes, 9 de agosto de 2010
Mitch Daniels en Fox News Sunday (8-8-2010)
El Gobernador Mitch Daniels, de Indiana, fue entrevistado por Chris Wallece ayer en Fox News Sunday. Se lleva tiempo rumoreando que este hombre del Medio Oeste que ha llevado a su estado a cuatro años consecutivos de presupuestos equilibrados y un superávit de 1,300 millones de dólares, pueda anunciar en los próximos meses su candidatura presidencial.
Confirmó su polémica idea de que el próximo Presidente tendrá que plantear una "tregua" en los asuntos sociales/culturales para concentrarse en la crisis fiscal, dejando ver que si es candidato dará prioridad en su agenda a los asuntos económicos, y ofreció una respuesta calculada sobre sus ambiciones presidenciales: espera que otros arreglen el país para él no tener que hacerlo. Es la típica manera de preparar el camino para dar el salto bajo el argumento de que uno se postula porque no ve a otros capaces.
"Mi atención está enteramente fijada en los desafíos y, yo creo, oportunidades que enfrenta Indiana. Ahí es donde permanecerá." (...) "Honestamente, tengo la esperanza de que la gente de ambos partidos dará un paso adelante y reconocerá la peligrosa dimensión del desastre fiscal que nos espera. Tal vez yo sea uno de ellos, pero hay muchos otros modos de contribuir al debate."
Confirmó su polémica idea de que el próximo Presidente tendrá que plantear una "tregua" en los asuntos sociales/culturales para concentrarse en la crisis fiscal, dejando ver que si es candidato dará prioridad en su agenda a los asuntos económicos, y ofreció una respuesta calculada sobre sus ambiciones presidenciales: espera que otros arreglen el país para él no tener que hacerlo. Es la típica manera de preparar el camino para dar el salto bajo el argumento de que uno se postula porque no ve a otros capaces.
"Mi atención está enteramente fijada en los desafíos y, yo creo, oportunidades que enfrenta Indiana. Ahí es donde permanecerá." (...) "Honestamente, tengo la esperanza de que la gente de ambos partidos dará un paso adelante y reconocerá la peligrosa dimensión del desastre fiscal que nos espera. Tal vez yo sea uno de ellos, pero hay muchos otros modos de contribuir al debate."
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